Showing posts with label Book of Common Prayer. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Book of Common Prayer. Show all posts

Saturday, 18 January 2014

Pantheism like Deism can only give a partial picture


 In the declining West with its twin maladies of political correctness and the kitsch there is a growing tendency for thinking and sensitive people to look for the Divine and the cultural in Nature.  The Church seems to have been captured by those forces people of taste reject – I mean a politically-correct outlook that would replace the reaching out to the sublime with value-neutral and gender-neutral language.

Of course this is depressing and cultural decline in the West is a real phenomenon.  I have argued before in this blog that this decline has much to do with the Eighteenth Century Enlightenment, with its attempts to universalise, deny the local and the traditional and move from the Incarnation to Deism or even atheism.

Nietzsche of course recognised the decadence of the West and produced a powerful critique in his writings.  He knew that the attempt to explain all by science was a mistake and thought his emphasis on the aesthetic and the subjective Ubermensch was the answer.  I think he was wrong in the way he laid the blame for Western decadence at the door of Christianity.  The self-loathing of political correctness today has its roots in the decadence Nietzsche perceived, but it is not an evolution of Christianity; rather it is a falling away from Christianity.  Christ did not teach us there was no Judgment, only that we were not the judges.  Remove God and we are left with a society with no values (something Nietzsche came to embrace of course).

More perceptive than Nietzsche in his definition of this Western decay was Charles Baudelaire, that old sinner.  As much as that son of a Lutheran minister Friedrich Nietzsche probably never committed a significant carnal sin in his life, Baudelaire in his seedy, garret existence perceived the Divine still through the murk generated by Western liberal dogma.  Rather like the woman washing Christ’s feet grasping the nature of grace better than Simon the Pharisee, so Baudelaire saw that it was a falling away from religion, not religion that brought about decay.

Baudelaire wrote of the liberal French writer, George Sand:

“Consider George Sand.  She is, first and last, a prodigious blockhead, but she is possessed.  It is the Devil who has persuaded her to trust in her good-nature and common-sense, that she must persuade all other prodigious blockheads to trust in their good-nature and common-sense.”

The blogger considers this to be a devastating definition and categorisation of the liberal do-gooder.  Baudelaire saw that these liberals, with their non-judgemental and modern outlook were falling away from Western culture with its concept of sin and redemption.  You cannot have the redemption without the sin.

So the argument of this blog is that what repulsed Nietzsche was not Christianity, but a partial picture of Christian values – it was liberalism, spawned by the least traditionalist and most secularist aspects of Enlightenment thinking.  The decent and intelligent man attracted to Pantheism should not reject Christianity because liberalism casts pearls before swine.  He should first know exactly what it is he is rejecting!  He is not rejecting liberalism, he is rejecting what G K Chesterton called “The intolerant Truth”, which is “full of grace and truth.”

Pantheism does indeed identify something very powerful in Nature and the Pantheist is right to feel awe and perceive something revealed of the divine in Nature, just as Job in his revelation saw God in Nature.  Job however could tell the difference between the Creator and the creature.  The Pantheist has the two confused.  The Pantheist sometimes caricatures the Christian as Manichean or Gnostic, but the Church always regarded the hatred of the material world as heresy.  Baudelaire pointed out:

“The mystery of Paganism.  Mysticism:  the common feature of Paganism and Christianity.”

This may seem arcane, but it is surely profound, and the blogger may not have fully understood Baudelaire’s meaning, but no discussion of Christianity can be complete without reference to the Incarnation and is not the Incarnation nothing less than the Divine coming into its creation and thereby sanctifying and redeeming it?  So both pagans and Christians see the mystery in the world around us.

If creation is imperfect but beautiful, the Incarnation can make it perfect.  We must turn to a far more saintly character than Baudelaire to complete this blog – G K Chesterton.  The Roman Catholic Church is currently investigating whether this rotund Englishman of wit and letters was actually a saint. 

Chesterton demonstrates in his work, the Everlasting Man that Paganism can only eventually lead to depravity as evidenced by Roman decline into the Circus and perverted emperors.  This is of course a reiteration of the first chapter of Saint Paul’s Letter to the Romans.  In another work, Chesterton defined the problem of paganism in his book on Saint Francis of Assisi:

“What was the matter with the whole heathen civilization was that there was nothing for the mass of men in the way of mysticism, except that concerned with the mystery of the nameless forces of nature, such as sex and growth and death.  Thus, the effect of treating sex as the only one innocent natural thing was that every other innocent natural thing became soaked and sodden with sex.”

Thus the decline of the classical world.  And thus also the need for a redemption from Nature worship.  That redemption came through the Divine entering its own creation – Nature - from the outside.

Acknowledging the specific nature of Christ’s incarnation has important practical implications for today however, because if we take the Incarnation completely seriously, we realise that the Universal has become local, the general, specific and the Divine, individual.  Thus local tradition and custom in religion become sanctified because they are specific to a certain people.  If redemption is achieved by God becoming a real, physical person in a particular place and time in history, so the way we worship and reach out to the universal, which is sublime, must be practised in a customary and traditional way. 

We meet the Universal Divine here in this world, in our places of worship with words handed down to us from previous generations.  As T S Eliot put it in the Four Quartets:

“Here, the intersection of the timeless moment
Is England and nowhere.  Forever and always.”

The Book of Common Prayer helps us to reach the sublime because of the beauty of its language and because it is English tradition.  New and transitory language is a step away from the Incarnation and towards Deism.  It will refer to the Incarnation in words, but the underlying assumption is that the words should be detached from local context and tradition, they should be “modernised” – this is a major intellectual concession to Deism I believe.

And so the belief or rather faith in the Incarnation achieves what both Pantheism and Deism fail to do:  it brings us into touch with the Divine where we are now in both our personal lives and in our own culture and traditions.  Only the Incarnation can redeem us.    

Monday, 12 August 2013

Defending the Institution of Marriage (Originally published on Respublica's Disraeli Room on 18th December 2012)


To the political class redefining marriage to include same-sex unions is a straightforward matter of furthering the progressive-equality agenda - they are deaf to any contrary arguments. The issue is however worthy of debate, even if debate slows down the politicians’ goal of changing marriage. Indeed, many politicians (though not all) acknowledge the importance of marriage as a cornerstone of society. 
The Government consultation presumed that same-sex marriage should be implemented and that the only acceptable discussion was how to go about delivering this, rather than whether this change should take place. Nonetheless, despite the Government’s attempt to restrict debate (leading to some Conservative backbenchers calling the consultation a ‘sham’), the Church of England’s response to the consultation helpfully sets out the case against redefining marriage.
Marriage is the institution through which society addresses the difference between the sexes and brings about the benefit of that complementarity. Referring to the Book of Common Prayer, which follows Scripture, three virtues can be identified that are promoted by marriage: mutuality, fidelity and complementarity. The third of these virtues holds the potential to lead to fruitfulness. The purpose of marriage is then to bring the two sexes into complementarity, with the high possibility of children being conceived and brought up in that stable framework. 
Civil partnerships, recently introduced (and supported by the majority of Lords Spiritual), establish in other relationships mutuality and fidelity, but the key distinguishing feature is that civil partnerships are not there to address sexual difference.  Only marriage does this and it is therefore a uniquely heterosexual institution.  To change this defining aspect of marriage would undermine society’s way of singling out heterosexual commitment in a way that sustains a fundamental benefit to society – the biological family.
The Omni-shambles
The first sign of confusion came with the Prime Minister’s announcement that there would be an ‘opt-in’ for those faiths wishing to perform same sex marriages; contrary to the original commitment this would only apply to civil marriage.
In an attempt to push its agenda through and address the concerns of the established church, the Government’s official statement to Parliament has only muddied the waters further. The Minister announced that a ‘quadruple lock’ would protect the established church and others that wish to carry on solemnising marriages according to their own tradition and doctrine, free from threat of legal action.
The quadruple lock:
  • Ensures that no religious organisations or ministers can be compelled to marry same-sex couples or to permit this to happen on their premises.
  • Provides an opt-in system.
  • Amends the Equality Act 2010 so that discrimination claims cannot be brought.
  • Ensures that legislation will not affect the canon law of the Church of England or the Church in Wales. 
The purpose of the fourth lock is not actually to “ban” the established church from opting in, but to ensure that there is no conflict between canon law and statute, which would bring about a constitutional contradiction.  So by stating that the Government would make same-sex marriage “illegal” for the Church of England to opt in the Minister was simply wrong, which led to mistaken media-commentary about the Church of England being banned from opting in to same-sex marriage. 
To “opt in” the Church of England would legislate in Synod, producing a Measure (the equivalent of an Act of Parliament). Synod Measures require parliamentary consent and the Synod's powers include the ability to amend Westminster legislation, as the Church pointed out in a briefing note to MPs “it would not require separate, additional legislation on the part of Parliament to enact any change to the Church's practice on marriage… For Parliament to give the Church of England an opt-in to conduct same sex marriages that it hasn't sought would be unnecessary, of doubtful constitutional propriety and introduce wholly avoidable confusion.” 
At the same time the Government did not appear to understand the unique position of the Church of Wales, which it wrongly described as ‘established’. It is proposed to make it subject to the lock; but, while it retains the power to license marriages, being disestablished it cannot initiate legislation if it wishes ever to opt in. Therefore, while religious freedom is protected for the established church in England, the religious freedom of the non-established Anglican Church in Wales risks being curtailed.
In any event, the consequence of these proposals would be for the state, for the first time ever, to redefine the nature of marriage and thereby create two types of marriage. Marriage as we know it to be for millennia, protected by the churches, and a new sort of marriage, administered by the State, the Quakers, Unitarians and Liberal Judaism. The majority of faiths would thereby continue with marriage between man and woman, while the rest of the country would go down its own route, breaking the single institution of marriage into the status quo (maintained by churches) and a new form of marriage for those married outside most churches.
Let the Country Decide
Worse, as many signatories across all parties have put in an open letter to the Telegraph, this attack on an ancient institution has no democratic mandate.  There was no clear commitment in the governing parties’ manifestos. The petition of some 600 thousand plus to retain the current definition of marriage appears to have been ignored as part of the consultation.  The polls are ambiguous as to whether a majority favour this proposal.  Surely, without a mandate and for such a controversial change the public should decide.  Otherwise many will feel the new marriage has been imposed upon them.
While the political and media class may see this as a mere tidying up exercise to complete the equalities agenda, this is exceptionally controversial for many voters. If David Cameron wants to prove politicians aren't out of touch on this issue, and if he wants the policy to have full public backing, he should put his idea to the country in a referendum.
- See more at: http://www.respublica.org.uk/item/Defending-the-Institution-of-Marriage

The Anniversary of the Coronation and its historic meaning


A Queen anointed like Solomon to reign over a Christian People

When the Queen was anointed and crowned Her Majesty underwent an ancient and deeply spiritual ceremony, combined with a service of Holy Communion with all its meaning of remembering Christ’s giving of Himself for our sins.

As much as the concept of Monarchy runs through the DNA of these islands, so too does Christianity – which is why the coronation has been since time immemorial a Christian ceremony.  Christian teaching not only legitimises our Head of State, but it informs our laws and the roles of our various institutions.  Just as our kings and queens are anointed in the same way as the kings of Old-Testament Israel and Judah, so our legal system in the older concept of Equity and the Twentieth Century concept of tort law where case law makes specific reference to Christ’s teaching, is imbued with Christian ethos.  Our education system, especially since the formation of the National Society, gives a major role to the established church in educating the next generation.

It is both sad and deeply troubling then that fashionable thinking pays no attention to the system of beliefs that is woven into the very fabric of England.  A Christian understanding remains, but almost unconsciously present.  Ideas of fairness and neighbourliness in domestic affairs and being a force for good in global affairs stem from our view of ourselves as a Christian nation.  It is because of this concept that individual Christians have campaigned for reform when this nation falls short – whether it be William Wilberforce campaigning against slavery or Emily Hobhouse campaigning against the use of concentration camps in the Second Boer War.  Strip this Christian understanding of ourselves away and the shadow of that self-understanding will only be cast so far.

Such forgetfulness can be seen in the selfishness of those bankers we now blame for our economic woes and in a belief that liberty alone is supreme – whether that be liberty to have something such as same-sex marriage regardless of the impact on the institution or to make money quickly despite the impact on others.  The Archbishop of Canterbury, in his sermon at the Westminster Abbey service commemorating the sixtieth anniversary of the Coronation, spoke rather of “liberty under authority” meaning freedom in obedience to God.  As Archbishop Welby said:  “Liberty is only real when it exists under authority.  Liberty under authority begins, as the Book of Common Prayer puts it, with our duty to God, ‘whose service is perfect freedom.’”

Meanwhile modern intellectuals employed in thinktanks, providing theories for politicians’ policies, pay too much homage to abstract theories about rights and choices – but pay no attention to that which actually does amount to the much sought-after “social glue”, our common set of values.

It is not the contention of this blog that everyone in these Islands would be regular church attendees but for the influence of policies thought up in Westminster thinktanks; rather, it is being argued that, whether or not the population is actively religious, our laws and institutions base their claim for authority on a commonly-understood set of overtly-Christian values. 

Just as church steeples are ubiquitous throughout town and country, so that their very every-dayness renders them invisible, despite their architectural beauty; so our institutions with all their striking pageantry, insofar as they embody and reiterate Christian teaching, gently yet firmly tell us that we are a Christian people and must live up to those values.  As the Archbishop put it in the same sermon:

“The very nature of being British follows this simple logic.  It is founded on liberty under authority.  It imitates the example of Jesus who did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped, but humbled Himself and took the form of a slave.  In Jesus we see the greatest servant of all, whose service gives us freedom, whose love is generously offered to each of us.”

The saving of souls is for the evangelists, but our politicians and judges have a duty not to chip away continuously at the Christian foundations of our nation’s values. 

Like Saint Paul’s in the Blitz our more ancient institutions remain as affirmations of who we are in a modern Britain coming to terms with an economic crash and the social impact of broken families.  It is those institutions that rely on Christianity for their authority that the Political Class least understands and regards disdainfully as irrelevant.  The Monarchy, the Established Church and the Lord Chancellor (with his role as Keeper of the Queen’s conscience and guardian of equitable law) are incomprehensible to the shallow, modern minds of many of our politicians; yet it is loyalty to the Crown and the life-service of our Queen; the sanctifying by a National Church of our ceremonies; and the fairness of equity in law that give us our almost unspoken understanding of who we are.

Returning to that Coronation ceremony sixty years ago:  In that service in which a young princess was stripped of her regalia to be anointed like Solomon we saw the embodiment of our Christian values as a person was set aside for a life of service to God and Country.  As the Archbishop put it:

“Her Majesty is the servant of the King of Kings, and so she serves us, as we serve her, in liberty under authority.  It is a system that points to freedom in God, in whose love we alone are fully human, fully free.”

Deeply spiritual, almost mystical and profoundly patriotic, the coronation is known to have had a real impact on the young Queen.  The worry is that it is because of those old-fashioned and profound ideas laying behind it that so many in the Westminster Bubble just do not understand its importance.